Saturday, December 28, 2013

April 21

The Normal Accident Theory of Education: Why Reform and Regulation Won't Make Schools Better is due out in April, from Rowman & Littlefield.  I've offered up some of this before, so I won't say a lot about it.  If you've read this blog through the years, you'll recognize some of the material, though not all of it.  

I enjoyed the whole process of writing this book enough that I'm already considering the next one--Why the Common Core State Standards Won't Ruin Education...Even Though They're Bad Enough To Do So. Clunky title, so maybe I'll work on that.  The point is that I've just started looking at CCSS material in more depth, for some "professional development time" I'm doing with my next door neighbor colleague.  

The standards are fine enough--for English they aren't all that different from what I've been doing.  What people say about the standards can be a bit--well, more than a bit--bizarre.  I'll start with this gem. "Reading, like any activity, is never subjective."  This, according to the purported authors of the CCSS (nobody is quite sure precisely who authored them) is why we should teach text only and strip away background and context.  For instance, see the explanation of why a teacher should mention nothing of what or why about the Gettysburg Address...just start 'em in on reading the text.  

The idea here is to plunge students into an independent encounter with this short text. Refrain from giving background context or substantial instructional guidance at the outset. It may make sense to notify students that the short text is thought to be difficult and they are not expected to understand it fully on a first reading — that they can expect to struggle. Some students may be frustrated, but all students need practice in doing their best to stay with something they do not initially understand. This close reading approach forces students to rely exclusively on the text instead of privileging background knowledge, and levels the playing field for all students as they seek to comprehend Lincoln’s address.


Problem is, of course, nobody actually reads or thinks like this.  And anything like knowledge or wisdom certainly does not pass on or cumulate through such a reading process.  Such an orientation does reflect, though, the intensive "skills" emphasis in reading teaching.  This (the CCSS process, not just the Gettysburg Address) seems to treat the skills of lower level reading mechanics (say, phonemic awareness) the same as higher level skills like inference and discernment of cause and effect the same.  

It's not at all clear to me why we think everybody can achieve the same level (no matter how high or low we set the level--if you set it low, some will go far above it) in reading and math, but we all know--without even thinking about it--that no matter how much we all train at dancing, singing, golf, painting or any number of other things, some will always be better than others.  (As is so often the case, Gladwell sketches dubious causation.  It's not that 10,000 hours will make you a virtuoso.  Rather, by sampling on the dependent variable--virtuosos--he "found" that they practiced for 10,000 hours.  Some initial conditions, namely, proclivities or gifts in the skill area, were present, thus motivating the greater commitment to practice.)

Reading's importance doesn't mean that all will achieve highly in it.   Education could be organized more effectively if we would all accept this.

Wednesday, November 20, 2013

The Tale of Turnaround in Three Tacoma Schools, or not

Percentages of student passing each standardized test in three Tacoma middle schools--Giaudrone, Jason Lee, and Stewart. The test years covered by the SIG were 2011, 2012 and 2013. 2009 and 2010 are included for comparison between SIG and pre-SIG performance. There are, then, at least two broad evaluations to make. First, pre-SIG and SIG scores. Second, growth during the SIG period. The score in parentheses is the percentage of 7th grade students passing the writing test. Only 8th graders take the science exam.  All data available on the OSPI report card web site.

Giaudrone
Reading
2009
2010
2011
2012
6th Grade
50.3
49.2
56.4
67.3
7th Grade
39.7 (54.9-Write)
46.6 (50.8)
38.0 (55.5)
56.7 (54.1)
8th Grade
55.4
58.3
64.1
58.8

6th grade scores show what seems to be a healthy improvement. 7th grade reading scores show improvement in the second year of the SIG, though writing scores remained essentially the same.  8th grade scores showed an initial bump, but returned to essentially where they had been before the SIG.
Following a student cohort (by moving one cell to the right and one cell down) reveals another mixed pattern.  2009 6th graders drop in reading at 7th grade, while they pass writing at the same rate as they passed reading in 6th grade. As 8th graders, they show significant improvement in reading. 2010 6th graders improve some in writing but drop significantly in reading at 7th grade. As 8th graders they show healthy reading improvement over their 6th grade scores. 2011 6th graders remain essentially the same in both reading and writing in 7th grade.


Giaudrone
Math
2009
2010
2011
2012
6th Grade
27.1
27.6
38.3
55.1
7th Grade
35.0
24.1
41.0
49.3
8th Grade
26.2
36.2
39.4
45.7

All 3 grades improved substantially over the 4 years. Follow the student cohort, and similar patterns of gain remain. Math, in other words, showed much more consistent improvement than did reading.

Giaudrone
Science
2009
2010
2011
2012
8th Grade
31.2
37.4
38.8
51.8



Jason Lee
Reading
2009
2010
2011
2012
6th Grade
51.5
37.1
40.5
63.4
7th Grade
38.8 (41.0)
36.9 (56.3)
35.8 (54.5)
51.9 (61.0)
8th Grade
60.5
44.4
49.0
50.7

6th and 7th grade showed improvement across the years, but 8th grade dropped. Following student cohorts shows little change for the 2009 6th graders. (It seems likely that their 7th grade year was more devoted to writing than reading.) 2010 6th graders showed writing improvement in 7th grade and reading improvement in 8th. 2011 6th graders showed substantial improvement in both reading and writing as 7th graders.

Jason Lee
Math
2009
2010
2011
2012
6th Grade
33.3
37.1
24.4
61.5
7th Grade
28.1
30.1
43.1
36.4
8th Grade
27.4
13.3
37.7
35.3

6th grade showed a sizable gain in the second year of the SIG. 7th and 8th showed modest gains, perhaps barely more than statistical wobbles. Student cohorts also showed fairly insignificant gains, except 2011 6th graders as 7th graders. By contrast with the Giaudrone, this school likely focused more on reading than math.

Jason Lee
Science
2009
2010
2011
2012
8th Grade
21.7
28.1
48.3
38.8



Stewart
Reading
2009
2010
2011
2012
6th Grade
57.0
37.3
49.0
48.3
7th Grade
39.9 (56.1)
33.9 (54.2)
36.7 (37.3)
53.8 (32.4)
8th Grade
54.7
52.9
47.1
40.0

The only worthwhile gains in reading were in 7th grade in the second year of the SIG. Cohort changes were insignificant, or negative.

Stewart
Math
2009
2010
2011
2012
6th Grade
33.0
19.6
30.6
34.2
7th Grade
33.7
24.3
25.9
18.7
8th Grade
29.8
27.6
25.2
11.7

By grade level and student cohort, there are no real gains here.

Stewart
Science
2009
2010
2011
2012
8th Grade
23.2
25.3
35.0
39.1


Wednesday, November 13, 2013

An Education System is like Oakland...there is no there there.



The school year is well under way.  That means students and staff are settled in, and embarking on the long drive toward the year-end tests.  This also initiates the predictable discussions and debates about the fixes to schools that will save American education.  Whether it’s Finland or Shanghai (the international education champions), the Common Core or better standardized tests, the quest for some sort of system by which to reform schools has been practically endless.
That’s because there is, in fact, no system or program.  Rather, at the heart of good performance in education lies a commitment to teacher development (especially peer to peer collaboration and support) and parent engagement.  Further, success is achieved on a school by school basis—the only thing programmatic is a commitment to hard work, expressed by all participants in the process.  
The revelation of this “secret” has important implications for education in the United States, as what’s true of Finland and Shanghai holds true across the US.  This fact is both daunting and encouraging for education in Washington.
We should be inspired by the fact that local commitment to the hard work of building the relationships that sustain and support education is more important—much more important—than national standards, “balanced” assessments, elaborate teacher evaluation processes, or union seniority structures.
Washingtonians could just as easily be discouraged, though, because achievement gaps are politicized, teacher contracts are arranged by gubernatorial intervention, and relationships built on the shifting sands of cultural awareness trump curriculum.
Since there is no such thing as a school system in the United States--with more than 10,000 school districts, American schools are established as essentially locally governed institutions--we must build and maintain the necessary and vital relationships among school staff and families, so necessary for effective teaching and learning, locally.
The education bureaucracy (the “educracy,” if you will) seems to miss or ignore the fundamental emphasis of the local, though.  The regulatory and reform efforts, so prevalent in the national conversation about education, are to the pursuing local, specific and sometimes divergent needs of each community’s schools.
Whether No Child Left Behind, Race to the Top or the Common Core State Standards initiative at the national level, or the state level efforts to establish complicated teacher evaluations pegged to narrow measures of student achievement, the plans, programs and restructurings typically undertaken in school come from the top of the political hierarchy, and are sent downward to the local level.
In such a situation, students, parents and local school staff end up with little role in—and, consequently, shaky or variable commitment to—the reform de jour.  Moreover, as regulatory imposition grows, trust diminishes, thereby replacing the impulse to do the hard work of maintaining the educational relationships with a reliance on and resort to external institutional authorities further up the bureaucratic structure and farther away geographically.  Why bother working on a relationship when you can just invoke a state law to win your point?
With this increasing bureaucratization we can’t help but get more standardization.  That’s what bureaucracies do, after all—standardize and routinize those processes that they control.  Education is about relationships, though, so structures that create standard operating procedures out of what really are specific and even idiosyncratic relational circumstances are bound to introduce the sterile, useless and/or mundane into the learning environment. The briefest evaluation of practically any standardized test will reveal this.
Building and sustaining those local relationships is what will truly transform schools.  Unfortunately, regulatory policies handed down from state and national Departments of Education simply won’t make that happen.  Engagement in your local school will.  Now there’s a learning target at which we should all aim.

Tuesday, October 22, 2013

The Normal Accident Theory of Education


I just sent the final draft of The Normal Accident Theory of Education to Rowman & Littlefield for publication soon, I hope.  Here is the Preface, which I am allowed to write in first person.  The rest of the book includes chapters on schools as bureaucratic organizations, the standardized tests, technology, markets in education, and more.  I hope you enjoy it....For more information--or more chapters, contact me.  amilton1000@gmail.com


Preface to
The Normal Accident Theory of Education:
Why reform and regulation won’t fix education
forthcoming with Rowman & Littlefield

I have been teaching 8th grade Language Arts (what we called English, when I was in 8th grade) in a public school near Tacoma, WA for 7 years. In that time, I’ve seen a variety of educational reforms (fads, depending on whom you ask, or on how the new idea was presented) come along. Once they’ve come, though, they only go in as much as educators adjust or adapt or disregard them, especially as they fit or not with the next round of the latest and greatest “research-based best practices.” In other words, each round of reform leaves a residual imprint of expectations and guidelines upon which school staff must implement subsequent reform plans. Each time, the slate gets dustier with the remnants of the chalk from the previous ideas and programs. 
This year, for instance, Washington state teachers are spending their second or third year gearing up for the “rollout” (a seemingly ubiquitous word) of the new Common Core State Standards, due to be officially in place by the 2014-15 school year (in Washington state), and, at the same time, learning the details of a completely redesigned teacher evaluation system, on which I and several other district staff members spent nearly 5 days training.
As I write, however, the federal Department of Education has officially notified Washington that this new plan for incorporating student learning into teacher evaluations does not meet federal expectations. With only days until school starts, it remains unclear just what the new teacher evaluation process will actually look like. Never mind, though...teachers will carry on with their work next week. 
In short, education is undergoing nearly constant reform, but in far too many ways the process of change is incomprehensible to many of the people responsible for implementing those changes. As new program piles upon new restructuring, the “system” grows increasingly unwieldy for those who are charged with running a class room every day. 
This persistent change, erratically ordered as it is, tends to generate a hulking and confusing educational “system” and bureaucracy whose mandates, with their attendant quirks, flow downward to class room teachers responsible for implementing them. The machinery gear images below are an astoundingly awkward and comic metaphor for this situation. Further, they illustrate the very logic that underwrites the main argument of this book. 
To think of the comic aspect, try to remember the number of times you’ve heard people complain about how education has become like a machine, cranking out mere workers with which to feed an insatiable economic beast. Even the recent Waiting for Superman uses this visual image when depicting how 50 years ago the less academically-minded students would step straight into good factory jobs. 
One important part of that film’s demands for education reform is based on the fact that this route is so much less available today. Indeed, we are talking about jobs, job skills, economic competitiveness, and so on to 8th graders in my district. In other words, we are alarmed to think of education machinery cranking out the human industrial “parts,” but we teach about work and jobs ever earlier in the educational trajectory.
Another depressingly comedic aspect of the gear metaphor is that many people feel themselves a cog ground down by the gears of an education machine. You don’t have to have seen Modern Times to know and understand the image of Chaplin’s factory worker getting caught in the wheels of a system much bigger and more powerful than he is. Teachers and staff sometimes feel this way, but so, too, do students and parents, who can occasionally feel like they face gears turning in directions opposite to what they prefer or value.
Finally, look closely at each image. In the first, students do not even make an appearance. A crank called the “anchor standards” drives what teachers do in all the sub-disciplinary elements of language arts. But this machine lacks a place for students, so what it produces ultimately remains unclear.

Credit: ReadTennessee.org

The second gear arrangement has its own oddity. It seems that the effective functioning of those gears has no connection to student learning. As the cogs in the machine turn, they have no apparent effect on what we assume to be the primary rationale for creating this machine in the first place. Without gear teeth at “student learning,” this piece of the machinery will sit, inert, even while the rest of the machine hums along.

Credit: Alliance for Education
Students are part of the third machinery, but if relative size indicates anything, they are much less relevant than all the adult staff of the school district. Furthermore, district administrators apparently have a direct impact on students, but not on teachers. Even in small districts, this is hard to imagine. This image is no doubt intended to convey the collaborative nature of the education project, but the teacher has much more significance in the students’ lives than do district administrators, so this image misleads in some degree.

Credit:  Education Northwest
More importantly for this book, without realizing, the creators of these images have provided perfect visual metaphors for the main argument proffered here. Schools, being bureaucratic structures, conceive and execute education in ways shaped and bounded by their organizational realities. One of those realities is that complex and tightly bound systems can be expected to fail--have accidents--as a function of their complexity and tightness. This is most easily seen in technological systems, like a nuclear reactor or an airplane, but we will apply the logic to bureaucratic systems, too.
The key insight of the theory, originating in the work of sociologist Charles Perrow, is that these normal accidents are not caused by design flaw or operator error. Rather, the system’s tightness raises the consequence of small errors or malfunctions, as these pass quickly to other parts of the system. Complexity makes the monitoring, observation and correcting of these malfunctions more difficult, occasionally--but predictably--generating a few “we figured it out too late” failures.
As I told colleagues about the ideas I am trying to use in this book (before discovering the gear images above), I usually summarized normal accidents by talking about systems with gears, while simultaneously making the typical depiction using fingers of both hands, interlocked and “cranking” like a set of gears. Rather than make these goofy and abstruse gestures, now I just send them the images in this preface. 
The potency of the visual metaphor--both my hands and these images--goes halfway to convincing me that “I’m onto something” with these ideas. But education is a multitudinous business, sloppy and repetitive. Machinery gears, drawing on the archetypical image of the mechanical clockworks, evoke a picture of consistent and constant execution of the same action over and over--thus, the expression, “like clock work.” 
To the contrary, education is repetitive--skills and ideas are covered myriad times in a student’s career; but, this is best accomplished when variation is added to presentation, lest students lose interest, and/or learn skills in narrow and specific circumstances. In other words, education is nothing like clock work.
Yet, schools are large bureaucratic organizations, which means they follow certain sets of protocols, and seek to maximize their performance by getting good at a set of procedures which the school effectively repeats with each new batch of students. So, when we face the fact that varied individuals, with disparate and sometime divergent hopes and goals, enter a bureaucratic organization, possessed of far fewer sets of procedures than there are students, to get something we call an education, the preferred content of which is subject to significant debate and disagreement, we must admit of complexity and complication. 
Describing, evaluating and addressing that complexity is the purpose of this book. Obviously, I do not know every situation as thoroughly as I know my own, which means that much of this book is based on my direct experiences, or my analytical response to issues and circumstances about which I read. 
In many ways that is the point of this book--different districts, different schools, even different class room teachers will experience and respond differently to the complex system in which we all work. Like most teachers, I’ve had conversations with teachers from numerous school districts, I’ve read book and articles about other teachers’ experiences, and I’ve even done several informal surveys of teacher attitudes about a variety of issue.
I write, then, with the hope of providing a “teacher’s-eye-view” of schools, teaching and learning. At the same time, I will filter this material through the lens of a social science approach to organizations and bureaucracy. The thoughts, ideas, claims, etc., offered here are something of a hybrid of these, my two professional backgrounds--academic social scientist and education professional. Likely, “specialists” from both areas will find inadequate the work based on that element wherein lies their own experience. And so it probably is, but all the better, as I suspect that neither side--even in its academic “depth”--by itself gets as rich a picture as the hybrid rendered here.
If you are a parent reading this book, I hope you will gain a more supple understanding of some of the vagaries of your local school, and feel more competent and confident to speak with your school staff about your children’s education. If you are a teacher, I hope you will feel some encouragement that while the “system” is daunting and even vexing, you can still do good work with your students. Finally, if you are an education bureaucrat or reformer, I hope you will take heed that schools are idiosyncratic, so local insight and wisdom can add significant value to the  process of changing education. For whatever reason you are reading this, I hope you enjoy it.

Friday, March 29, 2013

Sleep and School Performance


Research-based best practices.  This phrase gets thrown around the education world enough to stimulate an intensity of eye-rolling that rivals the groaning elicited by the ubiquitously annoying “safety issue.”  Play the Research-Based Best Practices card, though, and you trump all others…Trick, Hand, Match.
The eye-rolling ensues because so often “research” can generate divergent claims and policies.  Witness the long-running phonics vs. whole language debate.  Each side has its logic and evidence to support their curricular preferences, so education policy can end up looking like it actually follows personal tastes or gut feeling.  In such an environment, best practice comes to rely on and reflect subjective evaluations, at least to some degree.
But sometimes all the logic and evidence overwhelmingly point in the same direction, and research does enable us to discern a best practice approach.  The importance of sleep is one such issue.
The science is clear.  Our brains need sleep, and they need it desperately.  While we sleep, our brains busily reconfigure and stabilize the learning we did the previous day, as well as process our emotional experiences.  Moreover, sleep deficits—one study found a detrimental effect from as little as an hour lost each night for only a few nights in a row—weaken attention and diminish performance while we are awake.
Adequate sleep is important for all of us, but the situation is even more complicated for teenagers, whose circadian system--or biorhythmic clock--differs from everyone else.  When darkness falls, our bodies release melatonin, which starts the winding down process that ends in sleep.  Teenagers operate on a delay, though.  Their melatonin-induced slow down lags an extra 90 minutes after the dark, and after the rest of us.  Their morning wake up is equally delayed.  In short, teenagers are more than hour “later” than the rest of us.  
Turns out this circadian shift has substantial consequences for teenagers’ educational performance.  Several school districts around the country have demonstrated this by moving high school start times later in the morning, and thereby dramatically increasing student success.  
The Edina, MN school district moved their high school start one hour later, and saw remarkable results in just one year.  The top tenth of the student body showed the biggest effect, with one year gains in SAT performance of 56 points in math and 156 points in verbal scores.
Another study of 7000 Minnesota high schoolers found that A students got an average of 15 minutes more sleep every night than B students, who in turn slumbered 15 minutes more than C students.  15 extra minutes of sleep, in other words, can have salutary effects on student learning and performance.

The benefits of late start go beyond academics to include safety and mental health, too.  In Lexington, KY, a later start cut teen “fall asleep”  auto accidents by 25%, the biggest drop in Kentucky.  As for mental health, some researchers and doctors suspect that the lack of sleep at least partly explains some of the teenage moodiness, depression and even ADHD.  These symptoms and conditions are similar to those arising from sleep deprivation.

It seems clear, then.  Research indicates that the best practice for scheduling high schoolers’ lives is to start school later in the day.  And the sleep research is clear on another piece of good news.  Findings show that when students are better rested, a shorter school day serves their educational needs perfectly adequately.  This means high school could start an hour later, and end only 20 or 30 minutes later, impinging little on the sacrosanct sports and extra-curricular afternoon schedules. 

Later high school start times is a research-based best practice the Tacoma School District should consider.  It would likely generate far greater benefit for student performance (not to mention health and wellness) than political abstractions about the costs and benefits of becoming a charter school authorizer.  Yes, we would have to make some adjustments to bus schedules, but it would be worth it.

Tacoma revels in its status as innovator.  Let’s be truly innovative, and try later high school start times...it’s a no-brainer.